Additional Tables for
“Learning to Consolidate Democracy”
Gretchen Casper and Kyle Joyce
Department
of Political Science
September
2004
In
our 2004 APSA conference paper, “Learning to Consolidate Democracy,” we discuss
elite bargaining in twelve countries across forty-one national crises. In that
paper, we present tables for one of the countries –
Table 1:
Crisis: Beginning
in the 1970s,
Terrorism (1977-1999) |
Government |
Terrorist Groups |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo. |
1. Overthrow the state. |
|
2. Terrorist groups overthrow the state. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Until it changed the laws in 1975, the government was more restricted in its ability to act against terrorists. |
1. Terrorism is illegal. |
|
2. Some of the anti-terrorist officials were actually sympathetic to the terrorist groups. |
|
Table 2:
Crisis: In 1992,
the government launched the Clean Hands investigation to identify politicians
who were awarding government contracts to businesses in exchange for bribes and
kickbacks. The investigation expanded its scope of inquiry from local
government officials to cabinet ministers, former prime ministers, and Prime
Minister Berlusconi.
Corruption
(1993-1999) |
Supporters of the
Clean Hands Investigation (Magistrates and Legislators) |
Opponents of the
Clean Hands Investigation (Legislators) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Introduce transparency into the political system. |
1. Corruption continues. |
|
2. Corruption continues. |
2. Introduce transparency into the political system. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Lack of information regarding the participants of corruption due to its secret nature. |
1. Corruption is illegal. |
|
2. Development of the party system contributed to the emergence of clientelism. |
2. New legislation in 1989 enhanced the criminal code and provided for stricter legal constraints against corrupt politicians. |
Table 3:
Crisis: The
Northern League was created in 1982 to protect the northern region’s political and
economic interests. The League complained that northern resources were being
redistributed unfairly to the south. Eventually, it threatened to form an
independent state in the north, the
Northern League
(1982-1999) |
Government |
Northern League |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo: retain legal authority over the entire territory. |
1. Establish an independent state in the Northern region. |
|
2. Make some concessions to the Northern League (such as
meeting economic demands). |
2. Gain some concessions from the government (such as
economic demands). |
|
3. Grant independence to the Northern region. |
3. Accept the status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. International systemic factors increased the importance
of |
1. The Italian legal framework did not allow for the degree of autonomy sought by the Northern League. |
|
|
2. Organizational weakness. |
|
|
3. Negative public image. |
Table 5:
Crisis:
Separatist Activity
(1970-1990) |
Government |
Separatist Groups |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo. |
1. Secession. |
|
2. No secession, but the fulfillment of some economic, social, and political demands. |
2. No secession, but the fulfillment of some economic,
social, and political demands. |
|
3. Secession. |
3. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Politicization of military from frequent use of the armed forces to maintain status quo. |
1. The constitution was amended in the 1980s to increase the power of the state in fighting terrorist groups. |
|
|
2. The terrorist groups were not united in the efforts to overthrow the state. |
Table 6:
Crisis: Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi’s election was declared null and void by a lower court
for breaking campaign laws in her 1971 election and she was banned from running
for office for six years. The Supreme
Court overturned this ruling and legitimized her election. Opposition groups
staged civil disobedience and demanded Indira Gandhi’s resignation.
Indira Gandhi (1975-1979) |
Government (Indira
Gandhi) |
Opposition parties |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Remain in office. |
1. Force Indira Gandhi out of office. |
|
2. Leave office. |
2. Gandhi remains in office. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Indira Gandhi’s election was declared null and void for breaking campaign laws. |
1. Restrictive legal framework, which gave power to the government to arrest opposition members. |
Table 7:
Crisis: In the
mid-1970s,
Strikes (1984-1992) |
Government |
Public sector
workers |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Privatize industry. |
1. Protect the public sector. |
|
2. Protect the public sector. |
2. Privatize industry. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. High level of foreign debt. |
1. High level of foreign debt. |
Table 8:
Crisis: Moussa
Traore overthrew the Keita government and installed a military junta.
Supporters of Modibo Keita tried to overthrow Traore and reinstall Keita.
Coup Attempt (1969-1982) |
Government (Traore) |
Opposition (Supporters
of Keita) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo. |
1. Remove Traore and install Keita as president. |
|
2. Traore overthrown and replaced with Keita. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. There existed significant support for Keita. |
1. The Traore regime jailed Keita supporters and minimized
the power of pro-Keita unions. |
|
2. The military was not united behind Traore. |
|
Table 9:
Crisis: In 1990,
the Tuareg launched a rebellion against the Traore regime. When the regime’s
aggressive counterinsurgency measures failed, it signed a peace agreement with
the rebels. However, the rebels complained that the regime did not fully
implement the agreement and fighting resumed.
Rebels (1990-1994) |
Government (Traore) |
Tuareg Rebels |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. End fighting with Tuaregs. |
1. Have government implement all of their demands for
educational reform. |
|
2. Status quo – continue fighting. |
2. Have government implement some of their demands. |
|
|
3. Have government implement none of their demands. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Tuaregs did not honor cease-fire agreements. |
1. Government did not honor cease-fire agreements. |
Table 10:
Crisis: By the
early 1990s, opposition to Moussa
Traore’s regime mounted. Diverse groups (such as students, labor unions, and
human rights organizations) united to oust Moussa Traore and reinstall
democracy.
Traore (1991-1993) |
Government (Traore) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo. |
1. Traore removed from power and democracy installed. |
|
2. Traore removed from power and democracy installed. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. The military was not united behind Traore. |
1. Demonstrations were illegal. |
|
|
2. Military used force to end opposition demonstrations. |
Table 11:
Crisis: The
student organization, AEEM, played a leading role in overthrowing the military
regime in 1991. The transitional government accepted AEEM’s demands for
educational reform; however, it did not implement all of their demands. In
1993, AEEM attempted to negotiate with the Konare government on the remaining
educational reforms. When the talks failed, AEEM became militant and expanded
their demands to include political reform.
Student Violence
(1993) |
Government (Konare) |
AEEM (Assn. of
Students and Pupils of |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. End student strikes. |
1. Have government implement all of their demands for
educational reform. |
|
2. Continuation of student strikes |
2. Have government implement some of their demands. |
|
|
3. Have government implement none of their demands. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. The new democratic government depended on student
support to overthrow the military regime and install democracy. |
1. Use of violence alienated the mass public and
rank-and-file members of the student organization. |
|
2. Groups pressing demands on the new government to fund a wide range of reforms, including elementary education, health care, transportation, and economic development projects. |
|
Table 12:
Crisis: Legislative
and presidential elections were held
in 1997. The
Elections (1997) |
Government (Konare) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Win reelection to the presidency. |
1. Defeat Konare in the elections. |
|
2. Lose the election. |
2. Konare wins the election. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Opposition boycott of the election would diminish
Konare’s legitimacy if he were reelected. |
|
|
2. The election suffered from significant logistical problems. |
2. The election suffered from significant logistical problems. |
Table 13:
Crisis: Antonio
de Oliveira Salazar installed an authoritarian regime after the overthrow of
the Republic in 1926. In 1958, elections were held in which General Humberto
Delgado ran as the opposition candidate.
Salazar (1958-1968) |
Government (Salazar) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo. |
1. Removal of Salazar as prime minister. |
|
2. Removal of Salazar as prime minister. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Growing pressure for Salazar to retire. |
1. Opposition political parties were banned. |
|
2. Transformation of |
2. Salazar refused to retire. |
|
3. Situation of |
|
Table 14:
Crisis: Military
officers organized the Movement of the Armed Forces with the goal of overthrowing
Marcello Caetano’s regime and installing a pro-left junta.
Transition (1974-1976) |
Government (Movement
of the Armed Forces) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Installation of leftist regime. |
1.Replace the MFA regime. |
|
2. Return to right-wing dictatorship. |
2. Installation of leftist regime. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Economic crisis. |
1. Opposition groups were not united. |
Table 15:
Crisis: In 1976,
Strikes (1983-1989) |
Government |
CGTP (General
Confederation of Portuguese Workers) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Privatize the economy. |
1. Government accepts their demands to protect the public sector. |
|
2. Accept all of the union’s demands. |
2. Privatization of the economy. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. The IMF forced |
1. Laws existed (but had never been implemented) that
allowed businesses to fire workers. |
|
|
2. Economic crisis. |
Table 16:
Crisis: President
Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra was reelected in 1960. However, opposition to his
administration quickly emerged. As a result,
Political Unrest (1961-1975) |
Government (Velasco
Ibarra) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo -- remain in power as president. |
1. Remove Velasco from office. |
|
2. Be removed from office. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Economic stagnation. |
1. Military was not united behind opposition. |
|
2. Military was not united behind Velasco. |
|
|
3. |
|
Table 17:
Crisis:
United Workers’
Front (1985-1999) |
Government |
FUT (United
Workers’ Front) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. End strikes without making concessions to unions. |
1. Government accepts their demands. |
|
2. Make concessions to unions. |
2. Government refuses to accept their demands. |
|
3. Fail to take control over the situation. |
|
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Economic crisis. |
1. Economic crisis. |
Table 18:
Crisis: Alvaro
Vive, Carajo (AVC) was a small rebel group organized to fight for social
justice. Although the group maintained a relatively low profile, it engaged in
kidnapping and attacks on the media. The government feared that the AVC
received training or other support from foreign countries (such as
Rebels (1985-1993) |
Government |
Opposition (Alvaro
Vive, Carajo!) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat rebel groups. |
1. Continue to destabilize government using terrorist
acts. |
|
2. Status quo – terrorism continues. |
2. Be defeated by government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Pressure from Amnesty International to respect human
rights. |
1. Creation of anti-terrorist police unit authorized to
use aggressive force to defeat the AVC. |
Table 19:
Crisis: President
Marcos ran for reelection in 1969. He had implemented popular reforms during
his first administration and became the first president to win reelection.
However, opposition to Marcos significantly expanded immediately after his
reelection as it became clear that he had used massive electoral fraud.
Election (1969-1970) |
Government (Marcos) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Marcos remains in power past 1972. |
1. Marcos is defeated in 1969 election -- he serves only one presidential term. |
|
2. Marcos wins reelection in 1969 – serves two presidential terms. |
2. Marcos wins reelection – serves two presidential terms. |
|
3. Marcos loses the 1969 election – serves only one presidential term. |
3. Marcos remains in power past 1972. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Informal constraint – no president had even been
re-elected in Philippine history. |
1. Marcos had strong mass public support leading up to the
1969 election, because of policies under his first administration. |
|
2. No broad support for Marcos to remain in power after
two terms as president. |
|
Table 20:
Crisis: The New
People’s Army (NPA) was the military wing of the Communist Party of the
New People’s Army
(1971-1998) |
Government |
New People’s Army
(NPA) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat NPA. |
1. Overthrow government. |
|
2. Cease-fire agreement with NPA – NPA makes concessions. |
2. Cease-fire agreement with NPA – government makes
concessions. |
|
3. Cease-fire agreement with NPA – government makes concessions. |
3. Cease-fire agreement with NPA – NPA makes concessions. |
|
4. Overthrown by NPA. |
4. Defeated by government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. NPA received financial support from the People’s Republic
of |
1. Financial support from the PRC ended in the 1970s. |
|
2. NPA’s use of guerrilla tactics made it difficult to
infiltrate and defeat. |
2. The NPA did not have enough arms or soldiers to
overthrow the government. |
Table 21:
Crisis: The
Muslim insurgency arose in the southern
Muslim Insurgency
(1974-1999) |
Government |
Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat the MNLF. |
1. Creation of independent state of |
|
2. Cease-fire agreement with the MNLF – minor concessions.
|
2. Cease-fire agreement with the MNLF – agree to |
|
3. Cease-fire agreement with the MNLF – agree to |
3. Cease-fire agreement with the MNLF – minor gains. |
|
4. Creation of independent state of |
4. Defeated by the government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. MNLF received significant international support. |
1. Splinter groups broke off from MNLF. |
|
2. The military was already fighting a guerrilla war
against the NPA. |
|
|
3. Christian farmers on |
|
|
4. Economic crisis. |
|
Table 22:
Crisis: President
Marcos had ruled the
Transition
(1983-1986) |
Government (Marcos) |
Opposition |
Military Rebels
(Reform the Armed Forces of the |
|
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – continuation of Marcos’ regime. |
1. Return to democracy. |
1. Military junta led by Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile. |
|
2. Return to democracy. |
2. Provisional government in exile. |
2. Junta with Enrile and Aquino sharing power. |
|
|
3. Status quo – continuation of Marcos’ regime. |
3. Return to democracy. |
|
|
|
4. Status quo – continuation of Marcos’ regime. |
|
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Defection of key actors from Marcos’ support coalition. |
1. Corazon Aquino was an untried political leader. |
1. RAM was a small and secret group within the Armed
Forces of the |
|
|
2. Opposition in the |
2. It was unclear whether the mass public would support a junta. |
Table 23:
Crisis: President
Marcos was forced to flee the
Coup Attempts (1986-1991) |
Government (Aquino) |
Military Rebels |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat military rebels. |
1. Overthrow Aquino’s government. |
|
2. Rebels overthrow government. |
2. Government defeats rebels. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Aquino was an untried political leader. |
1. The military
rebels were small in number. |
|
2. The rebels were well funded. |
2. It was unclear how much support they would receive from
the Marcos loyalists or the mass public if they rebelled. |
Table 24:
Crisis: The
period from 1952-1964 is referred to as the “Bolivian national
revolution.” The incumbent government
refused to accept the results of the 1951 elections, which was won by the National
Revolutionary Movement (MNR), and asked the military to take over power,
instead.
Military Takeover
(1951-1964) |
Government (MNR) |
Opposition
(Military junta and FSB) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Overthrow MNR government and gain power. |
|
2. Overthrown by opposition. |
2. Remain out of power. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Lack of unity within the MNR. |
1. Lack of unity
within the military. |
Table 25:
Crisis: The
period from 1969-1971 was characterized by increasing polarization between the
left and the right. President Alfredo Ovando and his successor, Juan Jose
Torres, were generals who modeled their regimes after the military-populist
government in
Transition to
Banzar (1969-1971) |
Government (Ovando,
Torres) |
Opposition (Banzar) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Overthrow the government and gain power. |
|
2. Overthrown by opposition. |
2. Be defeated by the government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1 Ovando and Torres alienated their left-of-center
supporters by taking a centrist position. |
1. It was unclear
how much support the opposition could muster to overthrow the government. |
|
2. Rumors of Ovando’s corruption weakened support for his government. |
|
Table 26:
Crisis: In 1971,
Colonel Hugo Banzar Suarez overthrew the Torres regime. Banzar’s military
regime lasted until 1978 when, in reaction to mounting domestic and
international opposition, he announced elections.
Banzar (1973-1978) |
Government (Banzar) |
Opposition (Pereda) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Gain power. |
|
2. Cede power to a trusted ally (Pereda). |
2. Be barred from power. |
|
3. Lose power. |
|
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Military was not united behind Banzar. |
1. Pereda would
lose legitimacy if he gained power via unfair elections. |
|
2. Popular unrest. |
|
Table 27:
Crisis: Initially,
General Banzar planned to run in the 1978 election. However, strong opposition
from within the military caused him to support the candidacy of his ally,
General Juan Pereda Asbun. Although Pereda appeared to win the elections, the
Transition to
Democracy (1978-1982) |
Government (Military
Junta) |
Opposition (Congress) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Install a civilian government. |
|
2. Cede power to civilian government. |
2. Status quo – continuation of military junta. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Military not united behind continuation of military
junta. |
1. Previous
civilian governments were unstable. |
|
2. International pressure. |
|
|
3. Accusations of corruption against the junta. |
|
|
4. Civil unrest. |
|
Table 28:
Crisis:
Labor Unrest(1983-1996) |
Government |
Opposition (COB) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – austerity measures. |
1. Reverse austerity measures. |
|
2. Make concessions to labor sector. |
2. Status quo. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Economic crisis. |
1. Government’s use
of executive decrees to pass new economic laws. |
|
2. Pressure from private sector to support austerity measures. |
|
Table 29:
Crisis: The
Bolivian government implemented programs to eradicate coca production, to
counter drug trafficking. While the
Coca Growers (1994-1998) |
Government |
Opposition
(Military junta and FSB) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Elimination of coca production and trade. |
1. Status quo – continuation of coca production and trade. |
|
2. Status quo – continuation of coca production and trade. |
2. Elimination of coca production and trade. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Lack of domestic support for the program. |
1. Illegal activity. |
|
2. Lack of sufficient trained staff to implement eradication program. |
|
|
3. High demand for coca. |
|
Table 30:
Crisis: The
military overthrew
Transition
(1977-1984) |
Government
(Military Regime) |
Opposition (MDB) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Retain conservative control of government with slow and
controlled liberalization process with PDS majority and president. |
1. Remove military from government, prevent old regime
interests from gaining access to government, and install a democratically
elected legislature and president. |
|
2. Military rule. |
2. Remove military from government, install a democratically elected legislature and president with old interests represented as a minority opposition party. |
|
3. Retain conservative control of government with PDS
majority and president but with an accelerated liberalization. |
3. Allow the military to retain control of the government
in a liberalized political system. |
|
4. Lose power, complete liberalization. |
4. Revert to military control with no liberalization. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Potential opposition from hardliners in the military. |
1. Legal
constraints on opposition’s activities. |
|
2. Rising strength of the opposition. |
|
Table 31:
Crisis:
Labor Unrest (1986-1999) |
Government |
Labor Unions |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Implement austerity measures to control inflation. |
1. Receive major concessions from government to protect
wage increases and job security. |
|
2. Offer major concessions to unions to protect wage
increases and job security. |
2. Offer minor concessions to government. |
|
3. Offer minor concessions to unions. |
3. Government implements austerity measures. |
|
4. Try to break strikes. |
4. Government breaks strikes. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Mass public support for unions. |
1. Strikes are
illegal. |
|
2. Unions entered into alliance. |
2. The mass public supported the unions but did not support strikes. |
|
3. |
|
Table 32:
Crisis:
Rebellion (1950-1977) |
Government |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo -- |
1. Autonomy given to all regions. |
|
2. Autonomy given to some regions. |
2. Autonomy given to some regions. |
|
3. Autonomy given to all regions. |
3. Status quo -- |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. The military is not united behind the government. |
1. Rebel groups only had support at the local level. |
|
2. |
2. Sukarno declared martial law in 1957. |
|
3. The Republic of |
|
Table 33:
Crisis: General
Suharto overthrew the Sukarno regime in 1965. As the Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI) had been one of Sukarno’s largest supporters, Suharto was determined to
purge the party from the political arena.
Communist Purge (1951-1970) |
Government |
PKI |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. PKI thoroughly defeated, no longer an actor in national politics. |
1. PKI remains a strong national actors that can challenge Suharto’s rule. |
|
2. PKI weakened but still an actor in national politics. |
2. PKI weakened but still an actor in national politics. |
|
3. PKI remains a strong national actor that can challenge Suharto’s rule |
3. PKI thoroughly defeated, no longer an actor in national politics. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Delay in Suharto receiving full presidential power. |
1. Pro-PKI military had been purged by Suharto. |
|
|
2. Muslims opposed PKI. |
|
|
3. Sukarno, the PKI’s most important supporter, was stripped of his presidential powers. |
Table 34:
Crisis:
Separatist
Movements (1976-1994) |
Government (Suharto) |
Separatist
Movements |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Separatist movements are defeated. |
1. Separatist regions become independent. |
|
2. Separatist regions become independent. |
2. Separatist movements are defeated. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. There existed strong and long-standing opposition to
the national government, based on cultural differences. |
1. The separatist
movements’ armed groups are small. |
|
2. International organizations sanctioned |
|
Table 35:
Crisis: Opposition
to Suharto’s regime began to emerge in the 1970s. However, Suharto was certain
that he could hold onto power because he was supported by the military, his
political party (Golkar), and by his business cronies.
Transition (1993-1999) |
Government (Suharto) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo -- Suharto remains in power. |
1. Suharto is forced to step down from the presidency. |
|
2. Suharto is forced to step down from the presidency. |
2. Status quo -- Suharto remains in power. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Muslim and military leaders sided with the opposition. |
1. The opposition
was not united. |
|
2. Economic crisis. |
2. The main opposition party, PDI, was weakened by Suharto. |
Table 36:
Crisis: Felix
Houphouet-Boigny became president of
Houphouet-Boigny
(1963-1983) |
Government
(Houphouet-Boigny) |
Opposition (Students) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – Houphouet-Boigny remains in power. |
1. Houphouet-Boigny is forced out of power. |
|
2. Houphouet-Boigny is forced out of power. |
2. Status quo – Houphouet-Boigny remains in power. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Harder to redistribute funds to regime’s supporters. |
1. Regime trying to
control independent student unions. |
|
2. Not all student unions were controlled by the regime. |
2. Government’s use of aggressive tactics to put down oppositions with use of force. |
Table 37:
Crisis: President
Houphouet-Boigny died in 1993. Henri Konan Bedie, the former head of the
National Assembly, was named as the head of a transitional government.
Elections were held in 1995. However, opponents of Bedie demanded that the
electoral code be revised, to insure that the elections would be free and fair.
Elections (1995-1999) |
Government (Bedie) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Elections with restrictions. |
1. Free elections. |
|
2. Free elections. |
2. Elections with restrictions. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. The opposition’s boycotting of the elections weakened
the government’s legitimacy. |
1. New election
laws. |
|
|
2. Government ban on demonstrations. |
|
|
3. Opposition groups not united. |
Table 38:
Crisis:
Civil War
(1950-1960) |
Government |
Rebel Groups |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat rebels. |
1. Defeat government. |
|
2. Make minor concessions to rebels. |
2. Make minor concessions to government. |
|
3. Be defeated by rebels. |
3. Be defeated by government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Rebel groups controlled various regions of the country. |
1. Rebel coalitions
were not stable. |
|
2. Rebel groups formed coalitions against the government. |
2. Some rebel groups surrendered to the government in exchange for amnesty. |
Table 39:
Crisis: General
Ne Win overthrew U Nu’s government
in 1962. The new military regime declared that the separatist groups were
hindering
Rebels (1962-1995) |
Government (Military
Regime) |
Rebels |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Defeat rebels. |
1. Defeat government. |
|
2. Make minor concessions to rebels. |
2. Make minor concessions to government. |
|
3. Be defeated by rebels. |
3. Be defeated by government. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Government had a freer hand than during the civil war series because it was now a military regime rather than a civilian government. |
1. Rebel coalitions were not stable. |
|
2. Rebel groups controlled various regions of the country. |
2. Some rebel groups surrendered to the government in exchange for amnesty. |
|
3. Rebel groups formed coalitions against the government. |
|
Table 40:
Crisis: By the
1980s, opposition to the military government had increased. Demonstrations and
protests were held demanding that the military leaders resign and return the
country to democracy.
Transition (1987-1990) |
Government (Military
Regime) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo -- one-party rule under military control. |
1. Free multiparty system. |
|
2. Military control of very limited pluralism with regime party lead. |
2. Multi-party system under military control with regime party majority. |
|
3. Multi-party system under military control with regime party majority. |
3. Military control of very limited pluralism with regime party lead. |
|
4. Free multi-party system. |
4. Status quo -- one-party rule under military control. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. United opposition. |
1. Regime’s
excessive use of force to put down opposition. |
|
2. International pressure. |
|
Table 41: Myanmar (Aung
San Suu Kyi Series)
Crisis: Aung San
Suu Kyi was the daughter of Aung San, one of the leaders of the fight for
independence. She was married to a British academic and returned to
Ang San Suu Kyi
(1994-1999) |
Government (Military
Regime) |
Opposition (NLD) |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. No concessions for opposition. |
1. Restoration of democracy. |
|
2. Minor concessions to opposition. |
2. Major concessions to opposition – allow them to hold a shadow parliament and draft a revised constitution. |
|
3. Major concessions to opposition – allow them to hold a shadow parliament and draft a revised constitution. |
3. Minor concessions to opposition. |
|
4. Restoration of democracy. |
4. No concessions for opposition. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. International pressure. |
1. Most of the
opposition’s leaders were jailed. |
|
|
2. The military regime refused to allow the opposition to hold meetings. |
Table 42:
Crisis: In 1965, Joseph Desire Mobutu implemented a
military coup to overthrow President Kasavubu. He declared himself prime
minister and created a one-party regime. From 1965 to 1987, Mobutu faced a
series of coup attempts. He depended on the military to defeat opposition to
his regime.
Mobutu (1965-1987) |
Government (Mobutu) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Force Mobutu out of power. |
|
2. Be forced out of power. |
2. Status quo – Mobutu remains in power. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Overdependence on armed forces risked politicizing it. |
1. Legal framework
gave little power to opposition. |
|
2. International pressure. |
2. Opposition weak. |
Table 43:
Crisis: In 1990,
Mobutu announced a liberalization policy, with the goal of blunting opposition
to his regime. He lifted the ban on opposition parties and promised that a new
constitution would be drafted. However, opposition parties did not believe that
he was sincere in his promise of a transition to democracy.
Transition (1990-1997) |
Government (Mobutu) |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Preferences |
1. Status quo – remain in power. |
1. Installation of democracy. |
|
2. Be forced out of power. |
2. Status quo – Mobutu remains in power. |
|
|
|
Constraints |
1. Strikes. |
1. Mobutu reshuffled prime ministers. |
|
2. Division within the army. |
2. Opposition was not united. |
|
3. Mobutu’s health. |
3. Ethnic cleavages. |
|
4. International pressure. |
4. Rebel movement opposed Mobutu but did not necessarily support the opposition. |
|
5. Rebel movements. |
|